Election Deadlocks Explained
According to the 12th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, if no presidential candidate receives a majority of the Electoral College votes, the election is considered "deadlocked" and the decision goes to the House of Representatives to decide the president (among the top 3 candidates) and the Senate to decide the vice president (among the top 2 candidates).
This has only happened twice: once in 1800 before the amendment and again in 1824 during the crazy 4-way race between John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, William Crawford, and Henry Clay, all of whom took at least 2 of the then 24 states.
One goal of running modern third-party campaigns could be to intentionally cause a deadlock so that the 3rd party can attempt to play kingmaker in exchange for policy concessions. This was George Wallace's plan in 1968 and, although he failed, my election simulator shows he actually had a 18% chance of success!
Enter Evan McMullin
Over the
last few days (mid-October) polls have taken a surprising twist: dark horse
independent candidate Evan McMullin has emerged as a serious contender in Utah,
polling at ~22% of the state’s popular vote. In case you haven’t been following the story, McMullin is an ex-CIA, Mormon, moderate Republican who is offering
himself as an alternative to both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump.
McMullin as a Republican Spoiler
I’ve gone
ahead and simulated McMullin from the perspective of a third party spoiler
effect. As a caveat, I want to point out that at the moment there is very
little polling data on McMullin outside of Utah
and Virginia.
The Federalist provided me with a
list of states McMullin has a decent chance in, which I then corrected
against states
where he is either on the ballot or a legal write-in. For states that fell
into both categories, I’ve provisionally given McMullin all the polling percentage
not allocated to Clinton, Trump or Johnson. This crude estimate will have to do
for now.
Unlike
Johnson and Stein, McMullin is a potential spoiler for the Republicans. But as
usual with third-party candidates, his partisan bias is not as extreme as I’ve
seen quoted in online sources. I’ve seen lean factors suggested between 50-100%, but
because we have very solid data polling data in Utah from both before and after
McMullin entered the race, I can state with some accuracy that his base shows
only a 21% conservative lean. That said, it may be more extreme outside of
Utah.
As a result,
I’m showing McMullin with a 1.34% spoiler chance. Interestingly, Utah is not
likely to be at the heart of a spoiler. Pennsylvania, Virginia, Minnesota, Ohio,
Michigan, and Colorado would be more likely.
Could McMullin Deadlock the Election?
FiveThirtyEight
discusses the obscure
possibility that McMullin could become president. The three stage plan
would involve (1) McMullin winning Utah, (2) causing a deadlock where neither
candidate has the necessary 270 electoral votes, forcing the decision to the
House where, (3) McMullin can negotiate himself as a compromise selection.
But how
likely is that?
I can’t
answer for the backdoor negotiations that would occur, but I can check the odds
of McMullin winning Utah and causing a deadlock. I’ve added that question into
the simulator, but since data is currently scarce, I’ll look at the results in
three different scenarios.
The odds
that McMullin could deadlock the election:
- Based on McMullin’s recent average of Utah polls: 0.005%
- Based on the not-especially-reliable but most McMullin-generous Utah poll: 0.460%
- Making the assumption that McMullin wins Utah: 1.811%
Ranking States by Deadlock Power
The Utah
deadlock value above leads me to another question:
If you were
a third party presidential candidate hoping to cause an electoral deadlock in 2016, and
you could only choose one state to win (presumably your home state), which would it be?
Well, after
returning to the simulator, the answer is... not Utah. It’s ranked 31st
for deadlock potential. Obviously, states with more electoral votes have a
better chance, but it isn’t quite so simple. This election, Democrat-leaning
states make better targets, since removing them does more to “even the odds” towards
a red-blue split.
For each state, I've calculated the chance of a 2016 election deadlock, were it to be captured by a third party:
- California (55): 27.886%
- New York (29): 12.801%
- Florida (29): 10.961%
- Texas (38): 8.458%
- Illinois (20): 8.252%
- Pennsylvania (20): 8.095%
- Michigan (16): 6.288%
- Ohio (18): 6.134%
- New Jersey (14): 5.384%
- North Carolina (15): 5.263%
- Georgia (16): 4.945%
- Virginia (13): 4.790%
- Washington (12): 4.577%
- Massachusetts (11): 4.144%
- Maryland (10): 3.689%
- Minnesota (10): 3.652%
- Wisconsin (10): 3.562%
- Arizona (11): 3.553%
- Indiana (11): 3.374%
- Tennessee (11): 3.227%
- Colorado (9): 3.041%
- Missouri (10): 2.930%
- South Carolina (9): 2.699%
- Alabama (9): 2.669%
- Louisiana (8): 2.461%
- Oregon (7): 2.387%
- Kentucky (8): 2.373%
- Connecticut (7): 2.367%
- Oklahoma (7): 2.076%
- Nevada (6): 1.864%
- Utah (6): 1.811%
- Iowa (6): 1.799%
- Kansas (6): 1.789%
- Arkansas (6): 1.737%
- Mississippi (6): 1.688%
- New Mexico (5): 1.584%
- West Virginia (5): 1.402%
- New Hampshire (4): 1.151%
- Hawaii (4): 1.111%
- Rhode Island (4): 1.108%
- Idaho (4): 1.048%
- Delaware (3): 0.765%
- Vermont (3): 0.752%
- North Dakota (3): 0.743%
- South Dakota (3): 0.743%
- Wyoming (3): 0.726%
- Alaska (3): 0.710%
- Montana (3): 0.710%
- D.C. (3): 0.709%
- Nebraska - State (2): 0.376%
- Maine - State (2): 0.351%
- Maine - 1st D (1): 0.006%
- Nebraska - 1st D (1): 0.005%
- Maine - 2nd D (1): 0.004%
- Nebraska - 3rd D (1): 0.004%
- Nebraska - 2nd D (1): 0.001%
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